(It's better to create than destroy what's unnecessary)

Showing posts with label India History: Mutiny. Show all posts
Showing posts with label India History: Mutiny. Show all posts

Saturday, October 23, 2010

حیاتِ جاوید - صفحہ نمبر86

سید احمد خاں کو سرکار انگریزی کی طرف سے ضلع بجنور کا نظم و نسق سپرد تھااور وہاں کے ہندو مسلمانوں کی خانہ جنگیاں یادگار غدر ہیں۔ اس عموم بے تمیزی میں خود سید احمد خاں کے ساتھ بھی لوگ نہایت درجہ کی گستاخی اور بے توقیری کے ساتھ پیش آئے اور قریب تھا کہ ہلاک کریں عودِ تسلط کے بعد اس ضلع کے تمام با شندوں کی جان سید احمد کی مٹھی میں تھی اگر ان کے سے اختیارات کسی دوسرے کو ہوتے تو بجنور کے حصہ میں قیامت آ گئی ہوتی۔ مگر یہ معاملہ فہم، منصف مزاج،نرم دل، نیک طینت آدمی اس وقت بھی فرق کرتا تھا بغاوت اور خانہ جنگیوں میں ، مخالفت اور جہالت میں ، حملہ اور حفاظت میں ۔ اور سید احمد خاں کی بدولت بجنور ہی ایک ضلع تھا جو عواقب اور تبعاتِ غدر سے محفوظ رہا"۔

نواب محسن الملک



حیاتِ جاوید - صفحہ نمبر 81

انھی دنوں میں ایک شخص منیر خاں نامی مع جمیعت چار سو آدمی کے نگینے سے بجنور میں آیااور سر سید اور میر تراب علی، دپتی رحمت خاں کے قتل کے درپے ہوا ان کو بہ جبر و تحکم طلب کیا اور کہلا بھیجا کہ اگر حاضر نہ ہو گے تو بہتر نہ ہوگا۔ سر سید اور میر تراب ولی اس کے پاس گئے۔ منیر خاں نے سر سید سے مسئلہ جہاد کے بارے میں گفتگو کی۔ انھوں نے نہایت سنجیدگی سے اس کو سمجھا یا کہ شرع کے بموجب ہرگز جہاد نہیں ہے، اس نے ان کو تو رخصت کیا اور مولوی علیم اللہ رئیس کے پاس خود جا کر یہی مسئلہ پوچھا ۔ انھوں نے بڑی دلیری سے اس کے ساتھ گفتگو کی اور بہت سی دلیلوں سے اس کو قائل کیا کہ مزہب کی رو سے جہاد نہیں ہے ۔ اس روز مولوی علیم اللہ قتل ہوتے ہوتے بچے ۔ دوسرے دن منیر خاں وہاں سے دلّی چلا گیا اور وہاں جا کر لڑائی میں مارا گیا۔

Wednesday, June 11, 2008

India: A Million Mutinies Now - pg. 517

What I hadn't understood in 1962, or had taken too much for granted, was the extent to which the country had been remade; and even the extent to which India had been restored to itself, after its own equivalent of the Dark Ages - after the Muslim invasions and the detailed, repeated vandalising of the North, the shifting empires, the wars, the 18-th century anarchy. The twentieth-century restoration of India to itself had taken time; it could even seem like a kind of luck. It had taken much to create a Bangali reformer like Ram Mohun Roy (born in 1772); it had taken much more to create Gandhi (born in 1869). The British peace after the Mutiny can be seen as a kind of luck. It was a time of intellectual recruitment. India was set on the way of a new kind of intellectual life; it was given new ideas about its history and civilization. The freedom movement reflected all of this and turned out to be the truest kind of liberation.
In the 130 years or so since the Mutiny - the last 90 years of the British Raj and the first 40 years of independence begin increasingly to appear as part of the same historical period - the idea of freedom has gone everywhere in India. Independence was worked for by people more or less at the top; the freedom it brought has worked its way down. People everywhere have ideas now of who they are and what they owe themselves. The process quickened with the economic development that came after independence; what was hidden in 1962, or not easy to see, what perhaps was only in a state of becoming, has become clearer. The liberation of spirit that has come to India could not come as release alone. In India, with its layer below layer of distress and cruelty, it had to come as disturbance. It had to come as rage and revolt. India was now a country of million little mutinies.
A million mutinies, supported by twenty kinds of group excess, sectarian excess, religious excess, regional excess: the beginnings of self-awareness, it would seem, the beginnings of an intellectual life, already negated by old anarchy and disorder. But there was in India now what didn't exist 200 years before: a central will, a central intellect, a national idea. The Indian Union was greater than the sum of its parts; and many of these movements of excess strengthened the Indian state, defining it as the source of law and civility and reasonableness. The Indian Union gave people a second chance, calling them back from the excesses with which, in another century, or in other circumstances (as neighboring countries showed), they might have had to live: the destructive chauvinism of the Shiv Sena, the tyranny of many kinds of religious fundamentalism (people always ready in India to let religion carry the burden of their pain), the film-star corruption and racial politics of the South, the pious Marxist idleness and nullity of Bengal.
Excess was now felt to be excess in India. What the mutinies were also helping to define was the strength of the general intellectual life, and the wholeness and humanism of the values to which all Indians now felt they could appeal. And - strange irony - the mutinies were not to be wished away. They were part of the beginning of a new way for many millions, part of India's growth, part of its restoration.

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