The Spanish Civil War - pg. 266

Franco declared that 'the war is over, but the enemy is not dead.'

The Spanish Civil War - pg. 139

Alba, in his bitter charges accusing the Republic of
responsibility for the damage, did not seem to find it
incongruous that the Nationalist crusade was destroying
its own capital with foreign bombers, but then Franco had already
declared: 'I will destroy Madrid rather than leave it to the
Marxists.'

The Spanish Civil War - pg. 118

Once Franco was the Caudillo, he never allowed
opposition to develop. His speeches skilfully selected
compatible aspects of the rival Nationalist ideologies. He
affected an intensity of religious feeling to woo the Carlists
and the church. The Falangist slogan, 'Una Patria, Un
Estada, Un Caudillo', was converted to 'Una Patria:
España, Un Caudillo: Franco'. Historical parallels were
drawn with the first Reconquista. This safely inspired
the appropriate image in the appropriate mind. For the Falangists,
it was the birth of the nation. For the Carlists and the Alphonsine
monarchists it represented the establishment of a royal Catholic
dictatorship; for the church the age of ecclesiastical supremacy,
and for landowners the foundation of their wealth and power. Franco
was very different from Mussolini and Hitler. He was a cunning
opportunist who did not, despite his rhetoric, suffer from grandiose
visions of racial or national destiny.

The Spanish Civil War - pg. 77

Nationalist killings reached their peak in September, and
continued for a long time after the war. Not surprisingly, people
wondered if Franco wanted to repeat the deathbed answer of
the nineteenth-century General Navarez when asked if he forgave
his enemies: 'I have none. I have had them all shot.' A prominent
monarchist, Eugenio Vegas Latapie, protested at the scale of killings
to Franco, ' who 'displayed the simple cold cruelty for which he was
well known in the Foreign Legion.'

The Spanish Civil War - pg. 77

The fascist and military attitude to intellectuals showed itself to be one of deep distrust at the least, and usually consisted of an inarticulate reaction mixing hate, fear and contempt. The most famous victim of 1936 was undoubtedly the poet, Federico Garcia Lorca. Lorca had returned to his home town of Granada just before the rising. (With the start of the summer holidays many on both sides were saved or killed simply by their travel plans.) He realized immediately that he was in danger because of his liberal sympathies even though he belonged
to no party. His brother-in-law, the socialist mayor, and five of the university's professors had been shot in the first days. Yet even taking refuge with an old friend in the Falange did not save him. On 16 August he was arrested by a former CEDA deputy, Ruiz Alonso, who later
asserted that Lorca 'did more damage with his pen than others with their guns'. He was condemned on the orders of the new governor, Colonel Valdes Guzman, the commander of the Falangist militia. The precise details of his execution on 19 August remain unclear, but members of the CEDA group, Popular Action, claimed responsibility. H. G. Wells, the president of PEN, demanded details on the fate of Lorca as soon as the news reached the outside world, but the Nationalist authorities denied knowing what had happened to him. Lorca's death
remained a forbidden subject in Spain until the death of Franco in 1975.